Syrian National Bloc & Constitutional Syrian Party                                

Introduction

It had been hoped by Syrians that the end of Bashar al-Assad’s dictatorship would pave the way for the creation of a democratic, pluralistic political system in the country. Yet the rise to power of an authority imposed on the Syrian people, with a Salafi-jihadist background, and its monopolization of the three powers—executive, legislative, and judicial—through what was called the “constitutional declaration,” as well as its attempt to subjugate and terrorize Syrian society, committing sectarian massacres in the coastal region and in Sweida, all of this confirms that the current de facto authority is moving towards a totalitarian “sultanic” rule based on domination. This disregards the interests and identity of the Syrian people and the state’s, society’s, and politics’ need for a new national covenant that would lay the foundations for a modern, democratic nation-state.

We, in the Syrian National Bloc and the Syrian Constitutional Party (HADS), starting from a firm conviction that political and moral responsibility compels us in this phase—where religious and sectarian calls dominate much of political and media discourse, accompanied by calls to sectarianize the system of governance, or to partition or forcibly federalize—we have worked to formulate a set of principles that serve as red lines for our joint national-political struggle. We hereby declare our full commitment to them, and to act according to the political programs, alliances, and national initiatives they dictate.

           The National Red Lines

1. Unity of the state and land: Any tampering with Syria’s geographic and political unity is a major national betrayal. Partition, forced federalization, or acceptance of any foreign occupation—and the Syrian people’s right, under United Nations provisions, to resist it by all means and methods—constitute a red line not open to discussion.
2. Inclusive national identity: Full and equal citizenship is the sole basis for belonging. Any attempt to impose a sectarian or ethnic identity at the expense of the inclusive Syrian identity is categorically rejected.
3. Rejection of tyranny and totalitarian rule: There is no place in the future of Syria for the reproduction of individual or security-based rule. Any authority or disguised authoritarianism under nationalist or religious slogans is completely rejected.
4. Rejection of extremism and terrorism: Sectarianism and takfiri organizations under all their names are criminalized and considered a national enemy, as are all organizations founded on sectarian bases, particularly armed ones. There can be no compromise with those who exploit religion or sect to divide Syria and Syrians.
5. Transitional justice: Impunity is rejected. All who committed war crimes or crimes against humanity must be held accountable. National reconciliation cannot be built on forgetfulness or bargains, but rather on truth, justice, and reparation.
6. Human rights and public freedoms: Any political system that does not guarantee citizens’ dignity and freedom, and freedom of opinion, expression, and belief, is categorically rejected.
7. Commitment to national independence: Rejection of subordination to regional and international projects harmful to national interests. Anyone who acts in accordance with such projects places themselves outside national legitimacy.
8. Political solution and national covenant: No authority is legitimate unless it emerges through the gateway of a national covenant, free and fair elections, and a constitution subject to a popular referendum.
9. Social justice: Rejection of looting, monopolizing, or squandering national wealth, and of undermining the public sector, which is the property of the Syrian people. Reconstruction is not a war booty for the authorities or a reward for them, but rather a just and equal right for all Syrians.